Psychosis and schizophrenia

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Immigration status is a risk factor for schizophrenia, other psychotic disorders, and bipolar disorders (Berg et al., 201). Elevated risk has been observed for ethnic groups and is highest for black minorities and immigrants experiencing greater cultural barriers (Adriaanse et al., 2014; Berg et al., 2011; DeVylder et al., 2016; DeVylder et al., 2013; Paksarian et al., 2016). Increased risk is equal for both first and second generation immigrants, and this finding has led to a growing consensus that the development of psychotic disorders in immigrants is associated with acculturation stressors (Berg et al., 2011). British, Dutch and Scandinavian studies have found that perceived discrimination is an important post-immigration stressor that is associated with heightened risk for psychosis (Adriaanse et al., 2014; Berg et al., 2011; DeVylder et al., 2016; Morgan et al., 2009; Paksarian et al., 2016). Minority status may result in overt discrimination and contribute to feelings of alienation from the majority culture. Discrimination is frequently measured as perceived, because confirming actual discrimination is difficult in a research setting.

Pyschosis

The risk for psychotic disorders is increased for many ethnic minority groups and may develop in early childhood (Adriaanse et al., 2015). Children, who have psychotic experiences (PE), such as subclinical delusion and hallucinatory experiences, are at higher risk of developing psychotic disorders later in life. In a Dutch school –based study, more psychiatric problems, traumatic experiences and perceived discrimination were associated with the presence of psychotic experiences among ethnic minority youth (Adriaanse et al., 2015). Exposure to a high level of social adversity originating at a young age could explain the higher risk for psychosis among ethnic minorities (Veling et al., 2011).

The association between immigration and psychosis has been firmly established through more than twenty international studies and two meta-analyses, with an estimated relative risk of 2.1 to 2.7 for first generation immigrants relative to native-born populations (Cantor-Graae & Selten, 2005; DeVylder et al., 2013; Coid et al., 2008). Ethnic minorities are also at increased risk for psychosis if exposed to racism and discrimination in the community and workplace (Veling et al., 2007). Younger age at immigration is associated with greater duration of exposure and, consequently with an increased risk for psychosis.

Acculturative stress and psychotic-like experiences

DeVylder et al’s (2013) American study reports an association between acculturative stress and Psychotic-like Experiences (PLE) among a national community sample of first-generation Asian immigrants. Asian respondents who reported increasing numbers of acculturative stress items were at progressively greater risk for PLE (particularly visual and auditory hallucinations, but not delusions) in a dose–response fashion. Several studies have prospectively demonstrated the associations between daily stress and increased psychotic-like symptom severity among help-seeking youth at clinical risk for psychosis (DeVylder et al., 2013; Tessner et al., 2011). Acculturative stress may likewise consist primarily of the experience of persistent minor hassles (DeVylder et al., 2013). Increased sensitivity to ongoing stressors associated with adjustment and integration to a new culture, and the inability to effectively cope with these ongoing stressors, may contribute to the association between psychosis and immigration. Younger age at the time of immigration has been associated with increased risk of psychosis among non-western immigrants to the Netherlands (Veling et al., 2011). Risk for PLE for ethnic minority immigrants may be related to environmental factors, particularly those that occur or begin during childhood (eg perceived discrimination, childhood separation from parents), with risk increasing as duration of exposure increases (DeVylder et al., 2013).

Social determinants of psychosis among immigrants

Dutch studies have found that the incident rate for all psychotic disorders is highest among the ethnic groups who report the most severe discrimination (Eilbracht et al., 2015; Veling et al., 2007). Studies covering different psychotic disorders at different stages of development in different immigrant groups also indicate that high rates of discrimination may be associated with the onset- and/or symptomatic features of the psychotic disorders (Berg et al., 2011; Janssen et al., 2003). A number of studies suggest that immigrants and ethnic minority groups with psychosis have a distinct psychopathological profile compared to patients of the majority culture. There are reports of more hallucinations, primarily auditory, among psychotic patients from a number of ethnic minority and immigrant groups both in the USA and Europe (Berg et al., 2011; Vanheusden et al., 2008).

Perceived discrimination is also associated with the positive symptoms of delusional and paranoid ideation (Janssen et al., 2003). In addition, there are reports of more severe depressive symptoms among both ethnic minority and immigrant patients with psychotic disorders (Veling et al., 2007). These studies have demonstrated that patients from ethnic minority groups appear to exhibit more severe positive and affective symptoms across a broad range of psychotic disorders.

Berg et al. (2011) suggest that discrimination can be an important environmental stressor leading to the development and escalation of both depression/anxiety and positive psychotic symptoms in patients with psychotic disorders. This finding may help to explain the distinct psychopathology profiles reported in different ethnic minorities. The experience of social deprivation based on visible minority status may lead to feelings of hopelessness and an external locus of control, both of which are psychological mechanisms associated with depression. Visible minority status may also enhance alienation and in some cases lead to actual persecution. Cultural differences can result in miscommunication between the minority and majority populations. For individuals predisposed to psychosis, these experiences can lead to enhanced suspiciousness and to psychotic episodes. This conclusion is supported by findings demonstrating that peer victimisation in childhood increases the risk for psychotic symptoms, independent of prior psychopathology or family adversity (Schreier et al., 2009). It is possible that individuals who are prone to psychosis or suffering from paranoid ideation are likely to perceive neutral or ambiguous situations as discriminatory (Berg et al., 2011).

Clinical Implications

The primary clinical implication of an association between stress sensitivity and psychosis is that stress alleviation techniques may be beneficial for people with psychotic experiences (PE) (ie hallucination-like or delusion-like symptoms that do not meet diagnosable criteria due to insufficient intensity, persistence, or associated impairment) (DeVylder et al., 2016). Interventions that alleviate perceived stress may be efficacious in reducing symptom severity among individuals with psychotic disorders, or may be potentially efficacious in preventing or delaying psychotic disorder onset among help-seeking youth with sub-threshold psychosis (ie, youth at clinical high-risk for psychotic disorder) (DeVylder et al., 2016). For example, mindfulness training has been shown to have moderate efficacy for people with psychotic disorders in a recent meta-analysis (Khoury et al., 2013). Physical exercise, which can reduce stress, has likewise been shown to alleviate psychotic symptoms in a meta-analytic study (Firth et al., 2015). Stress sensitivity can be directly addressed through psychotherapeutic approaches such as cognitive-behavioural therapy, which has shown to be efficacious in treating psychotic symptoms, even in individuals with schizophrenia who are not taking antipsychotic medications (Morrison et al., 2014). Stress alleviation is likewise a key component of attempts to prevent or delay the onset of schizophrenia in help-seeking youth at clinical high risk, among whom cognitive therapy and supportive therapy appear to be beneficial (Thompson et al., 2015). 

Racial-ethnic minority or immigrant status is a consistent risk factor for schizophrenia in European and American studies (Adriaanse et al., 2014; Morgan et al., 2009; Paksarian et al., 2016; Vanheusden et al., 2008). Longitudinal studies have found that psychosis-like symptoms predict subsequent psychotic disorder in both adolescents (Zammit et al., 2013) and adults (Werbeloff et al., 2012).

Schizophrenia

Immigrants and their descendants are, on average, 2.5 times more likely to have a psychotic disorder than the majority ethnic group in a given setting although the exact risk varies by ethnicity and setting (Cantor-Graae & Selten, 2005; Hollander et al., 2016). For example, in Europe, incidence rates for people of African descent are approximately five times higher than those for white European populations (Hollander et al., 2016). These marked differences, which persist after adjustment for age, sex, and socioeconomic position, are maintained in the descendants of first generation migrants, and are not attributable to higher incidence rates in people’s country of origin (Borque et al., 2011). Explanations centre on various social determinants of health, including severe or repeated exposure to psychosocial adversities such as violence, trauma, abuse, socioeconomic disadvantage, discrimination, and social isolation.

In particular, refugees and asylum seekers face substantially elevated rates of schizophrenia and other non-affective psychoses, in addition to the array of mental, physical, and social inequalities that disproportionately affect these vulnerable populations (Hollander et al., 2016). In a number of studies, migrants and refugees from sub-Saharan Africa are at increased risk of having a psychotic disorder, compared with European–born groups (Bourque et al., 2011; Hollander et al., 2016). Clinicians in primary and secondary care settings need to take the early signs and symptoms of psychosis into account in refugee populations and intervene early.

There are marked differences in the diagnosis, symptoms, and treatment of schizophrenia in various ethnicities and cultures (Banerjee, 2012). Traditional societies are more likely to have social or supernatural explanatory models of mental health disorders.

Symptomatic Variance

Substantive research shows that basic schizophrenia symptoms such as hallucinations, anhedonia, antisocial behaviour, depressive symptoms, emotional processing, and mood induction, vary across cultures (Bae & Brekke, 2002; Bauer et al., 2011).

Diagnostic Variance

In Asian countries, for example, Japan, the exact meaning of the word schizophrenia translated means, “split-mind disease” (Kim & Berrios, 2001). This terminology is a very “powerful and stigmatizing” label in Japanese, Korean and Chinese cultures with serious implications for patients (Kim & Berrios, 2001). Psychiatrists in Asian societies are less likely to reveal a diagnosis of schizophrenia to family members and to patients (Kim & Berrios, 2001). Kim and Berrios (2001) found that in Japan, only 16.6% of patients knew their own diagnosis, and only 33.9% of their family members did (Kim & Berrios, 2001). In addition, psychiatrists often gave euphemistic diagnoses, such as “neurasthenia” or “autonomic nervous dysfunction” instead of the real diagnosis, making the prognosis and treatment even more complicated. Kim and Berrios (2001) regarded this phenomenon as so serious and ingrained that they suggested a renaming of the disease in ideographic cultures to promote transparency and easier communication.

Traditional Healing

Peoples from Asian, Middle Eastern and African backgrounds may use traditional healers alongside western models of care. For example, among Southeast Asian groups, Vietnamese families might seek out Taoist teachers and ethnic health practitioners such as Vietnamese physicians, Cambodian and Lao families might use Buddhist monks (Versola-Russo, 2006). The use of traditional medicine has to do with belonging to a collective culture and strong ties to the extended family. When a person is ill, many of the family members are involved in deciding if the client is ill, the extent of the illness, the treatment to be given, and by whom (Versola-Russo, 2006). Rather than viewing traditional healing as a barrier, it should be viewed as a strength and resource. Showing an understanding of the role of traditional medicine helps clinicians to build rapport with the client and family. The use of herbs is common among Asian groups. However, this practice may interfere with the efficacy of psychotropic medications. Fundamental Asian health beliefs that may impact mental health treatment include imbalance of the yin and yang, and the corresponding conditions of “hot” and “cold”. Illness may be attributed to an upset in this balance of forces.

Assessment and Treatment

Kim, Bean, and Harper (2004) present eleven specific guidelines when working with Asian clients and families: Assess support systems; assess immigration history; establish professional credibility; provide role induction; facilitate "saving face"; accept somatic complaints; be present/problem focused; be directive; respect family structure; be non-confrontational; and provide positive reframes.

Family Support

Culture shapes the way in which families respond to schizophrenia. An understanding of a client's cultural heritage can improve the quality of the relationship between the mental health professional and client (Versola-Russo, 2006). Family education and ongoing support is beneficial in order to maximise the support the family network can provide the client. This is especially critical when the client is under the direct care of the family. The extended family is important, and any illness concerns the entire family. Mental health professionals should be mindful that decision-making varies with traditional family structures.

In Asian cultures, families generally do not institutionalise family members. They care for them in the home. Asian families are more likely to accompany the schizophrenic client on clinic visits and to actively participate in treatment decisions (Bae & Brekke, 2002). Collectivist cultures emphasise family integrity, harmonious relationships, and sociability. Bae and Brekke (2002) note the importance of incorporating cultural characteristics into the intervention process. Interventions that are designed to involve families in a collaborative effort may be more appropriate for clients from CALD backgrounds because of the interdependent nature of collective family dynamics.